Nuclear weapons,existential threats,and the stability–instability paradox

Recent scholarship has largely ignored systematic differences in the existential threats that nuclear-weapon possessors pose to other states. This study theorizes that the capacity to pose existential threats shapes nuclear-armed states’ willingness to use military force against one another. We explore three hypotheses regarding how nuclear-based existential threats can deter conflict or encourage it, including under the conditions proposed by the stability–instability paradox. We rely on a statistical analysis of nuclear-armed dyads from 1950 to 2001 and employ the Nuclear Annihilation Threat (NAT) Index to capture variation in the existential threats nuclear-armed states pose to one another. We find that being able to pose an existential threat to another state emboldens potential initiators to use military force but does not deter attacks. The emboldening effects are particularly strong under the hypothesized conditions of the stability–instability paradox. Our study provides unique contributions to ongoing debates over the political effects of nuclear weapons.     

Proportional use of force in asymmetric military operation

This paper studies a strategic conflict between a state and a non-state military organization. The non-state military organization decides whether to attack or not to attack the state, while the state decides on its counter-measure. If the state uses a high level of violence against the non-state organization, it may be accused by the international community of ‘non-proportional’ use of force, and both sides of the conflict take this possibility into account. The model predicts that it may be rational for the non-state organization to attack the state, even if as a reaction the state will militarily destroy this organization, due to a positive probability the state will be punished by the international community for non-proportional use of violence.     

A critique of Paul Collier's ‘greed and grievance’ thesis of civil war

Paul Collier has produced a well-written and apparently plausible thesis on ‘greed and grievance’, evidenced in several published texts, which concludes unambiguously that greed, not grievance, is overwhelmingly the cause of conflict. However, Collier has based these findings upon narrowly defined quantitative measures–three defined indices of greed and four indices of grievance. Collier consciously omitted indices which he found difficult to measure, such as suppliers of armaments and opportunities for bureaucratic corruption. However, he appears to have unwittingly omitted some further factors, including governance, management mechanisms for natural resources and the influence that charismatic leadership can have on rebel groups. These omissions can be viewed as a major flaw in Collier's work. They also explain why Collier has diagnosed that civil wars are more likely to occur in some countries in the developing world without offering adequate explanation of why this may be so.     

基于TRIZ的陆军装备保障转型活动生成研究

TRIZ是一种通过解决冲突来解决发明问题的理论,具有系统性、科学性和创新性相统一的特点．通过建立陆军装备保障目标能力参数体系,分析目标能力提升中存在的冲突情况并加以解决,建立了基于TRIZ的陆军装备保障转型活动生成方法,以期有效解决装备保障转型活动生成的关键难题．     

位置随动系统动态性能自动检测研究

通过分析某型位置随动系统的组成和动态技术指标,提出了位置随动系统动态性能自动检测的设计方案和测试方法,利用信号仿真模块和基于DSP的高速数据采集与处理模块,建立了自动检测的硬件电路和软件结构,确定了测试位置随动系统的动态性能指标、测试方法和软件功能,实现了对某型位置随动系统动态性能的自动检测．     

基于自适应阈值的FAST特征点提取算法

FAST特征提取算法阈值选取固定,因此不能满足不同图像的特征点抽取要求,并且提取的结果存在着多个特征点块的现象。针对这些缺陷,首先采用动态全局阈值对原始灰度图像进行初步提取得到候选特征点,然后采取动态局部阈值和非极大值抑制法进一步对候选特征点进行筛选,从而达到自适应选取阈值和抑制多个特征点块的目的。实验表明,改进后的算法稳定性高,对不同光照和对比度情况下有一定的适应能力,并且运算量相对比于其他一些特征提取算法要小得多,满足实时应用的要求。     

战略战役兵棋系统中的被动声纳探测仿真

针对海战反潜作战实际,结合战略战役兵棋特点,设计了被动声纳探测仿真流程框架。为模拟探测时间的随机性,提出了被动声纳探测时间模型,并确立了探测时间与探测噪声的关系方程。从舰艇声源特性和战场环境对噪声传播的影响两方面考虑,建立了舰艇声源方程和噪声传播模型。最后,在某模拟系统上进行了验证,结果表明模型符合战略战役模拟实际。     

基于奇异值分解的潜艇磁场推算

针对潜艇磁性防护,基于磁偶极子阵列模型,建立了潜艇磁性目标高精度磁场计算模型。提出了利用奇异值分解的方法对模型进行求解,利用该求解算法进行了模型计算与实测数据比对,结果表明,该计算方法能够有效适用于计算高精度潜艇磁场。基于奇异分解的方法计算了潜艇高空磁场,计算结果可供潜艇防护磁性探测参考。     

Maintaining peace in a neighbourhood torn by separatism: the case of Satun province in southern Thailand

While separatist-related conflict has re-emerged in southern Thailand, there is one predominantly Muslim border province that has remained outside of the conflict. Satun province has been conspicuously unaffected by the Malay-Muslim separatist movement, despite its shared history and ethnic origins with the conflict-affected provinces. In contrast to Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, the process of state penetration in Satun was gradual and comparatively less coercive, leading to relative stability and encouraging political and economic integration. This comparative study analyzes the history of cooperative state–minority relations and political stability in Satun province, and draws important lessons directly applicable to the unrest in neighbouring provinces.     

Security sector stabilisation in counterinsurgency operations: the case of Afghanistan

This article argues that the debate on security sector reform (SSR) needs to be taken further by taking into consideration the fact that, even though the SSR concept was not originally developed as an element in stabilising states undergoing an insurgency, it is very much being used for exactly that. When conducting counterinsurgency with a focus on the creation of stability, the baseline will ultimately have to be security sector stabilisation (SSS) as a precondition for complete SSR implementation. However, the two must be connected to avoid them undermining each other. This is important if a comprehensive approach to programme implementation and especially sustainability is to guide the programme, and not just isolated ‘train and equip’ stand-alone projects that do not solve either the initial need for stabilisation or the long-term need for accountable security forces. Currently, in Afghanistan the surge for security by the international military is in danger of overtaking the other elements of the SSR, thereby undermining the primary end state and thus risking laying the wrong foundation for the long-term process of SSR.